Saya menyemak berita-berita mengenai ‘Satu Malaysia’ khasnya dari laman http://www.1malaysia.com/ dari pena Najib sendiri itu.
Nah, saya terkejut bila membuat perbandingan dengan konsep ‘One Israel’ memang terdapat beberapa perkara persamaan begini:
Najib kata, “Dalam Belanjawan 2010, dan sebagai sebahagian daripada usaha kami untuk melaksanakan kaedah rawatan perubatan dan piawai paling tinggi untuk semua rakyat Malaysia, saya telah mengumumkan penubuhan Klinik 1Malaysia yang baru di seluruh negara bernilai RM10 juta.
Klinik-klinik ini diilhamkan dalam semangat "Rakyat Didahulukan, Pencapaian Diutamakan" untuk memberikan rawatan kesihatan segera kepada semua rakyat Malaysia di kawasan-kawasan perumahan yang memerlukan perkhidmatan mudah” Sejak 28 Disember 2009, dan pembukaan perkhidmatan pertama di Lembah Pantai, 50 Klinik 1Malaysia telah dimulakan di kawasan-kawasan perbandaran yang terpilih.
Setakat ini lebih daripada 100,000 orang telah mengunjungi klinik-klinik ini (mewakili purata 80 hingga 200 pesakit bagi setiap klinik setiap hari), untuk mendapatkan rawatan mudah bagi penyakit-penyakit seperti sakit kepala dan selesema.
( ini semua untuk mengatasi masalah sosio-ekonomi dan diskriminasi social ) dan bandingkan pula apa Barak lakukan,
“for the poor economic conditions and social discrimination they experienced during the early years of the state. Barak has used many election appearances as opportunities to tell stories about elderly women unable to get hospital treatment, and about the effects of unemployment on families, and to promise remedies. His hope is to gain a "hip-pocket vote" from some segments of the Sephardi community, and as part of this process he needs to overcome the stigma against voting Labor to do it.
Kata Najib, “Dalam satu lawatan terbaru ke Sarawak bulan lepas, saya telah berkunjung ke beberapa petempatan dan kampung di negeri itu, termasuk Nanga Tada yang terletak hampir 80 kilometer di luar Sibu, dalam usaha merapatkan jurang pemisah antara bandar dan luar bandar dalam sosioekonomi kita. Sejenak dalam lawatan itu termasuklah pertemuan singkat saya dengan pasangan Iban yang agak sudah lanjut usia, Medan anak Nunying dan isterinya Landun anak Ngumbang, yang tinggal di Rumah Meruan. Apa yang menghubungkan saya dengan pasangan yang berumur ini merupakan peristiwa paling mencemaskan dan berbahaya dalam kerjaya saya sepanjang 14 tahun menjadi Menteri Pertahanan.”
Pada Julai 2000, satu konfrontasi telah berlaku antara kumpulan penyeleweng Islam, Al-Maunah dan angkatan tentera Malaysia di Sauk, Perak. Saat mempertahankan diri, seorang komando daripada pasukan elit terbunuh ketika bertugas. Beliau ialah Askar Mathew anak Medan, anak lelaki kedua-dua pasangan lanjut usia tersebut. Turut terkorban dalan insiden yang sama ialah pegawai penyiasat polis, R. Sagadevan.
Adakah ini hampir persamaan dengan Barak yang membangkit tragedy berdarah untuk menarik sokongan ramai? Di mana mereka menggunakan pelbagai agensi dan pakar-pakar untuk menjayakan konsep itu?
Baca ini:
On top of the One Israel success and the positive polls, Barak seemed particularly pleased with the results of report by Israel’s State Comptroller, an independent auditing and investigation body, into the 1992 Tzeelim II training accident.
Barak was accused by some of the families of the 5 soldiers killed at Tzeelim of having fled the scene in his helicopter without seeing to wounded soldiers or taking one severely wound man, who later died, with him, and in newspapers reports of possibly having orchestrated an army cover-up of the circumstances behind the incident.
When the report was released on March 15, Barak told the media "The blood libel to which I fell victim for several years, as a man and as chief of staff, comes to an end today." The report exonerates him of both charges: it found that he did not leave until after all the wounded had been evacuated, and that there had been no cover-up.
Najib juga cuba menggunakan pihak agama dan cuba memancing PAS di saat bahtera mereka hampir karam. Mari kita baca tindakan Barak bagi mengatasi kelemahan partinya bagi menghadapi pilihanraya berikutnya.
Levy is of Moroccan origin, and himself the product of one of the poorer Sephardi neighbourhoods. He was originally a protege of Likud Prime Minister Menachem Begin, but after Begin’s departure from the political scene, came into conflict with his successors, Shamir and Netanyahu, over social welfare for his constituents and his own ambitions within the Likud party.
This eventually led to the formation of his Gesher party, first as a faction within the Likud and later as an independent party. Conflicts over Netanyahu’s failure to implement promised social spending led Levy to leave the governing coalition last year. Barak has been reaching out to Sephardi voters since his selection as Labor leader, for instance, by offering a public apology for Labor’s past policies, and clearly hopes that the addition of Levy and Gesher can win him some votes in the Sephardi sector.
One Israel faces significant competition for Sephardi votes from the Centre Party leader Yitzhak Mordechai, a Kurdish Sephardi, and the religious Shas party, which is able to garner almost all the religious Sephardi vote. Meimad, it is also hoped, can attract some religious voters to Labor. Religious voters, who are about 20% of the Israeli population, are even less likely to vote for Labor than Sephardi voters. In many religious neighbourhoods in 1996, votes were 98% for Netanyahu, and only 2% for Labor leader Peres.
For its future political survival Labor must increase its vote among religious and Sephardi Israelis because demographics are against the Labor party. Political analysts say that changes in Israeli population demographics have made the right-left divide in the Israel population approximately 55%-45% since the late 1970s. And since this period, the Likud has come out ahead in most of the elections.
Furthermore, the faster population growth in the religious and Sephardi communities, as well as the influx of immigrants from the Soviet Union, is making matters worse for Labor as time passes. Unless Labor can re-position itself to capture larger segments of these three communities, it may gradually drift into perpetual opposition and political irrelevance.
Saya kira beberapa pekara di atas memang ada persamaan, sudah terang lagi bersuluh. Dengan konsep ‘One Israel’ itu Barak dengan Parti Buruhnya berjaya dalam pilihanraya berikutnya menentang Netanyahu.
“In the run-up to the election, surveys predicted the party would win 33 seats. However, although One Israel did emerge as the largest faction in the Knesset, its 26 seats was the lowest ever by a winning party (Labor's 34 in the 1996 elections whilst running alone had been the previous low). Of the 26 seats, Labor took 22, Gesher 3 and Meimad one”.
Sila baca lebih lanjut di http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_Israel dan http://www.aijac.org.au/review/1999/244/oneisrael.html pihak Pakatan perlu menyimpan maklumat ini segera kerana hantu-hantu BN pasti membuat sesuatu untuk mengelakkan orang ramai akses laman-laman ini. Saya tgk carian melalui Google sukar selepas Anwar menyarankan orang ramai mendapatkan maklumat tentang One Israel.
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